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Abstract
The primary aims of this study were to examine the effects of exposure and information on self-other agreement among strangers. To test the effect of exposure, we observed the difference between perceptions of individuals who viewed a still photo of a target person versus individuals who watched a short video segment of the target. To test the effect of information, we provided trait-implying sentences to participants and compared the resulting perceptions to those derived from only a still photo. We found that self-other agreement fluctuates predictably with additional information and exposure. Also, we found that providing specific trait information can increase self-other agreement for both the specific trait about which information has been received and other linked trait judgments.
Introduction
The path to accurate interpersonal personality assessment is a difficult one, yet many daily interactions require an attempt to traverse it. We may rely on subtle cues presented in the physical appearance of others or we may depend on a secondary source of information, such as another’s statement about the individual in question, to arrive at what we hope is the most accurate assessment of a target individual’s general traits and tendencies. To date, little research has addressed similarities and differences in how information, whether direct or indirect, affects personality judgment early in the person perception process. Although we know that people who are well-acquainted show better agreement than unacquainted individuals, we still have yet to determine the specific mechanisms that give rise to this effect. The current research examines some fundamental issues regarding the role of information and observation in establishing an understanding of another person.
How well do judges and targets agree on the assessment of the target’s personality? A basic conclusion is that well-acquainted individuals typically show good agreement across major trait dimensions [r > .40; Funder and Dobroth, 1987, Paunonen, 1989, Watson et al., 2000]. Of course, myriad factors influence levels of agreement. The acquaintanceship effect refers to the tendency for self-other agreement in personality judgments to increase with increased familiarity with the target. Greater acquaintanceship implies more opportunities for relevant behaviors to be exhibited by the target and attended to by the judge. This effect has been well supported in the literature [Funder and Colvin, 1988, Norman and Goldberg, 1966, Paulhus and Bruce, 1992, Watson et al., 2000], though some researchers claim that whether or not there is an acquaintanceship effect depends upon whether the research design is cross-sectional or longitudinal [Kenny, Albright, Malloy, & Kashy, 1994] and to what extent the trait in question is readily observable [Paunonen, 1989].
One problem with many cross-sectional demonstrations of the acquaintanceship effect is that the groups being compared are likely to differ on variables other than acquaintanceship. For example, in Norman and Goldberg’s [1966] classic study, the two contrasted groups were Peace Corps trainees and fraternity members. These groups may differ systematically in age, ethnicity, diversity, intelligence and even relevant personality characteristics. Thus, it is necessary to attempt to equate those characteristics as much as possible in order to isolate specific mechanisms of acquaintanceship.
This, then, leads to the question: What exactly constitutes “acquaintanceship”? Even if the groups are relatively equivalent aside from acquaintanceship, one still must have a formal definition of the construct. Is it simply relationship duration, or is there a qualitative difference in information gained depending upon the type of relationship? For example, is there something different about a married couple that would lead to greater agreement beyond the mere length of acquaintance? In this regard, some researchers have directly asked participants to estimate their level of acquaintanceship with a target and found that this estimate correlates significantly with self-other agreement [Paunonen, 1989].
One way to bypass this issue is to look at the acquaintanceship effect as based purely on information exchange. The issue then becomes: How does one control for differential information exchange?
Borkenau and Liebler [1992] conducted one of the most comprehensive examinations of sources of validity in personality judgment at zero acquaintance. In this study, the researchers collected short samples of behavior [reading a weather report] from 100 participants and then had four separate groups of judges [six per group] rate all 100 targets on the big five personality dimensions, physical attributes, and various non-verbal behaviors. One group saw only a still photo [taken from the video segment] of the target, another group heard only the audio portion of the segment, a third group saw only the video [without audio], and a final group saw the full video segment with sound. Overall, they reported that Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Conscientiousness yield greater self-other agreement among unacquainted individuals than do other traits. Furthermore, they found that as exposure to a target increases, so does self-other agreement. In some ways, one could view this study as an experimental demonstration of the acquaintanceship effect, given that judges had varying degrees of exposure to the target [e.g., those who saw the full video received more information than those who rated the still photo] and self-other agreement tended to increase with greater exposure.
Recently, research in this area has gained momentum. Carney, Colvin, and Hall [2007] controlled the quantity of information exchange by exposing participants to either 5 s, 20 s, 45 s, 60 s, or 300 s of videotaped target behavior and found a general trend towards increased self-other agreement with greater length of exposure. Letzring, Wells, and Funder [2006] investigated differences in both quantity and quality of information. They found that both short [50 min] and long [3 h] unstructured conversations lead to greater self-other agreement than a minimal contact [no verbal interaction] condition. In terms of information quality, they found that situations in which individuals were instructed to get to know each other as well as possible led to greater agreement than situations that were either unstructured or structured in such a way as to steer conversation away from personal information [a trivia quiz]. Thus, previous research establishes that both quality and quantity of information have unique influences upon self-other agreement in personality perception; this study therefore aims to account for both quantity and quality of information in a slightly modified format.
Section snippets
The current study
This study examines the relative contributions of [a] increased exposure to a target and [b] increased information about a target to self-other agreement. First, replicating Borkenau and Liebler [1992], we used a still photo condition in which the participants viewed only a photo of the target and were asked to make global personality judgments. Then, in a second condition, we examined the effect of valid trait information, rather than simple exposure, on agreement by providing relevant
The target pool
Beer and Watson [2008b] conducted a study of stranger ratings in which each participant served as both a judge and a target in a round-robin exercise in which they assessed personality and various physical attributes. In addition, each participant was photographed [making a “neutral” facial expression] and was asked to read a statement while being videotaped. The video segment consisted of the participant walking up to a table, sitting down, and reading verbatim a passage taken from the
Descriptive statistics
Before turning to our formal hypotheses, we briefly examine the descriptive statistics and intercorrelations among the trait ratings to help clarify some of the results reported later. Table 1 provides the means and standard deviations for the Big Five ratings in each condition. There was a general trend towards more favorable self-ratings than peer ratings across all three conditions. Effects were strongest for Agreeableness in every condition [d = 1.47 in the still photo condition, 1.60 in the
Discussion
Personality judgments under conditions of limited acquaintance typically are largely inaccurate [Beer and Watson, 2008b, Watson, 1989]. However, the literature suggests that Extraversion can be judged effectively even in such conditions [for a recent example, see Borkenau, Brecke, Mottig, & Paelecke, 2009]. Based on these previous findings, we expected that Extraversion would show significant self-other agreement at the lowest levels of acquaintanceship. We aimed to determine what effect, if
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Role of personality traits in first impressions: An investigation of actual and perceived personality similarity effects on interpersonal attraction across communication modalities
2018, Journal of Research in Personality
First, not all personality traits are equally visible to perceivers. For example, studies indicate that personality traits which are more readily associated with distinct behavioral cues, such as extraversion, are more likely to be inferred accurately by perceivers in comparison to other traits [Ambady & Rosenthal, 1993; Beer & Watson, 2010; Connelly & Ones, 2010]. Second, even for these more visible personality traits, individuals may not necessarily exhibit behavioral cues typically associated with a specific personality trait.
Why are moderators of self-other agreement difficult to establish?
2016, Journal of Research in Personality
For this reason, we cannot estimate directly assumed similarity, or the extent to which targets were described in a similar way to which judges viewed themselves. Although it is logical to assume that a shortage of information can be compensated for with assumed information [Beer & Watson, 2010; Beer, Watson, & McDade-Montez, 2013; Human & Biesanz, 2011; Kenny & Kashy, 1994; Lee et al., 2009; Paunonen & Kam, 2014; Rogers & Biesanz, 2015], a previous study has shown that assumed knowledge is almost irrelevant in self-other agreement [De Vries, 2010]. In the present study, we also demonstrated that the ratio between normativeness and distinctiveness in self-other agreement remained approximately the same for a group of friends, family members, and partners.
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After accuracy scores were calculated, they were transformed from correlations to z scores using Fisher’s r to z formula. This formula has been used to convert correlational accuracy scores in previous personality judgment studies [e.g., Beer & Watson, 2010]. The three Dark Triad measures were scored individually according to their respective scoring requirements before being standardized using z scores and averaged to create an overall Dark Triad composite score.
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